Urban American Indian Youth Essay Example for Free

Urban American Indian Youth Essay Abstract This study focused on how a non-targeted group minority youth might or might not benefit from a prevention intervention focused on other cultural groups. The study specifically evaluated the effects of an evidence-based drug prevention curriculum with a sample of urban American Indian youth in the southwest U. S. , most of whom self-reported multi-ethnic heritages. This research examined the developmental trajectory of drug use for these youth, and compared it with the trajectory of youth from other racial/ethnic groups at pre-intervention, post-intervention, and two follow up time periods. Results indicated that alcohol and marijuana use increased from pre-intervention across subsequent time periods for all youth. The drug use of the American Indian youth in the treatment group increased on certain measures. They reported a steeper trajectory in the amount and frequency of alcohol and marijuana use compared to the youths in the treatment groups with other racial/ethnic identifications. Implications of these findings for the development of culturally grounded prevention programs for multi-ethnic, urban American Indian youth are discussed. Culturally specific, school-based drug prevention programs have been receiving increased attention in recent years. These programs are based on the premise that infusing youths culture into the content and format of the prevention message will reduce adolescent drug use (Kandel 1995). One such program, Keepin it R. E. A. L. , has achieved this by creating the curriculum from the developmental and cultural realities of Mexican American youth from the southwest United States (Gosin et al. 2003). To date, the program has been developed for and evaluated with primarily Mexican American youth (Kulis et al. 2005). Research has assessed the differences in program effectiveness by acculturation level among Mexican/Mexican Americans (Marsiglia et al. 2005) but has not closely examined the residual effects of this program among other minority youth populations (i. e. , the programs effects on non-targeted minority youth populations). In what ways might this program impact the drug use of minority youth who are not Mexican American? How might these effects compare with the treatment effects of the program for Mexican American and European American youth? Drug Prevention Programming for American Indian Youth There have been substantial efforts in recent years toward the development of drug prevention programs focused on American Indian youth. For example, Marlatt et al. (2003) described the development of the Journeys of the Circle Project, which is a culturally congruent life skills course targeted toward Northwestern American Indian youth. Similarly, Schinke et al. (2000) implemented and evaluated a culturally tailored life skills intervention with American Indian youth from 10 reservations in North and South Dakota, Idaho, Montana, and Oklahoma. Aside from the research conducted by Schinke and colleagues, however, the majority of prevention efforts with American Indian youth have not been rigorously evaluated for efficacy (Beauvais and Trimble 2003; Hawkins et al. 2004). Beauvais and Trimble stated that most of the prevention research with American Indian youth has focused largely on commentary and recommendations and not on the science of prevention (p. 397). However, while there are relatively few evaluation studies focused specifically on drug use and American Indian youth, there have been ongoing efforts related to culturally specific drug prevention programs for minority youth in general. Related to this research is the debate as to whether prevention programs need to be culturally grounded, that is, developed from the cultural values and variability inherent within each culture, or if they can be culturally adapted, that is, modified from universal prevention programs originally developed for non-Hispanic European American populations (Hecht et al.2003). Each of these approaches has implications toward the fidelity and fit of prevention interventions (Castro et al. 2004). Further, culturally focused prevention curricula range in ethnic specificity; some are highly specific (e. g. , Hecht et al. 2003) while others are more broadly targeted for minority youth (e. g. , Botvin et al. 1997). In sum, there is much left to learn about the degree of cultural specificity required for positive prevention effects with minority youth. The Keepin it R. E. A. L. Curriculum Keepin it R. E. A. L. is a culturally grounded, video-enhanced prevention intervention that was developed and normed from the narratives of Latino, African American, and Euro American youth (Gosin et al. 2003), and validated with teacher and student feedback (Gosin et al. 2003. ; Harthun et al. 2002). It has been identified as a Model Program by Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA; U. S. Department of Health and Human Services [DHHS] n. d. ), which is a designation given by the organization to effective programs that have been evaluated using rigorous standards of research. The 10-lesson curriculum was designed for use with middle school students (6th, 7th, and 8th graders), and draws from a variety of theoretical frameworks, such as communication competence theory (Spitzberg and Cupach 1984) and ecological risk and resiliency theory (Bogenschneider 1996). The curriculum situates these frameworks within the unique geographic and cultural contexts of Latino, African American, and European American youth in the southwest United States. The primary focus of the program is on teaching drug resistance skills using four strategies: refuse, explain, avoid, and leave (Hecht et al.2003). Refuse consists of statements of saying no to substance use offers, while explain consists of more elaborate reasons for refusing these offers. Avoid refers to avoiding situations where drugs and alcohol might be present, and leave refers to leaving the environment once the youth encounters substance use (Hecht et al. 2003). The cultural specificity of the program components is based on prior research, which found ethnic differences in common communication styles, competencies, and norms (Hecht and Ribeau 1984; Hecht et al.1990) and drug use contexts (Gosin et al. 2003). Based on this research, three versions of the curriculum have been developed: 1) A Latino version, which primarily reflects Mexican American and Mexican values (e. g. , familismo, or family orientation), 2) A Non-Latino version, grounded primarily in European American and African American values, and 3) A Multicultural version, which combines half of the lessons from the Latino version and half of the lessons from the non-Latino version (Hecht et al.2003; Kulis et al. 2005). An example of an objective from the Latino version of the curriculum is for the student to recognize what he/she does affects his/her community, group, and family, while an objective from the Non-Latino version is for the student to recognize what he/she does may have favorable or unfavorable consequences on his/her own future goals (Gosin et al. 2003, p. 128). The in-class curriculum was supplemented with a media campaign, consisting of television, radio, and billboard advertisements that reinforced the four strategies (refuse, explain, avoid, and leave) and follow-up booster activities such as school assemblies, poster projects, murals, and essay contests (Kulis et al. 2005). Research evaluating the curriculum found that the use of alcohol, cigarettes, and marijuana increased over time for students who received any version of the intervention and students in the control group; however, the increase was significantly less for students in the intervention group (Hecht et al.2003). This effect was particularly salient for alcohol use (Gosin et al. 2003; Hecht et al. 2003). Further, the intervention students perceived significantly smaller increases in their peers substance use compared with those in the control group (DHHS n. d. ; Hecht et al. 2003). Past research suggests differential effects of each version of the program, with the Latino and Multicultural versions of the intervention providing more benefits to Mexican/Mexican American students (Gosin et al.2003; Kulis et al. 2005) and the overall sample (Hecht et al. 2003). However, while versions of the curriculum that incorporated aspects of culture (the Latino and Multicultural Versions) were found to impact a wider array of substance use and attitudinal outcomes in the desirable direction than did the Non-Latino version, tests of strict cultural matching of program content with the students racial/ethnic backgrounds did not produce statistically significant differences (Hecht et al.2003; Kulis et al. 2005). In other words, these studies did not find that Mexican/Mexican American students receiving the Latino version of the curriculum demonstrated better overall outcomes than those receiving other versions of the curriculum. This finding is significant, because it provides support for prevention programs that broadly target minority youth, rather than those that are ethnic-specific. Subsequently, the strength of culturally grounded prevention programs may lie in their ability to reflect regionally-specific multicultural environments, rather than specific ethnic groups. In order to examine this hypothesis, we chose to examine the programs efficacy with another predominant minority cultural group in the southwest U. S. To date, no studies of Keepin it R. E. A. L. have examined the residual effects of the program among youth who were not Latino, African American, or Euro American. Perhaps this programs strength lies in its ability to integrate multiculturalism into drug prevention, defined as the inclusion of cultural values from all groups participating in the prevention program (Green 1999), rather than its cultural specificity related to drug use prevention. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine the impact of the curriculum on urban American Indian youth of the southwest in order to examine this hypothesis more closely. The study presented here involved a reanalysis of data that was previously reported (Gosin et al.2003; Hecht et al. 2003; Kulis, et al. 2005; Marsiglia et al. 2005). However, this study differs from previous studies because it tests the generalizability of the culturally enhanced versions of the curriculum with American Indian youth. This is accomplished through the use of growth curve modeling to examine the developmental trajectory of drug use among youth who participated in Keepin it R. E. A. L. While previous evaluations of the Keepin it R. E. A. L. curriculum support its efficacy with specific groups of racial/ethnic adolescents (Hecht et al. 2003; Kulis et al.2005; Marsiglia et al. 2005), the current study suggests that the program may have limited effectiveness in curbing the drug use of American Indian youth. Despite the current studys limitations, our findings have implications for the development of culturally grounded prevention programs in schools, reservation, and non-reservation communities for American Indian youth and for other minority youth populations. Our findings suggest that American Indian youth may require drug prevention curricula that are specific to their developmental and cultural realities. In order to effectively address drug use among American Indian youth, prevention researchers and specialists may need to focus on creating and/or modifying drug prevention programs in order to address the daily traditions, cultures, and values of American Indian youth. References 1. Beauvais, F. , Trimble, J. E. (Beauvais, F. , Trimble, J. E. (2003). The effectiveness of alcohol and drug abuse prevention among American-Indian youth. In Z. Sloboda W. J. Bukoski (Eds. ), Handbook of drug abuse prevention: Theory, science, and practice (pp. 393-410). New York: Kluwer. 2. Botvin, G. J. , Epstein, J. A. , Baker, E., Diaz, T. , Ifill-Williams, M. (1997). School-based drug abuse prevention with inner-city minority youth. Journal of Child Adolescent Substance Abuse, 6, 5-19. 3. Castro, F. G. , Barrera, M. , Martinez, C. R. (2004). The cultural adaptation of prevention interventions: Resolving tensions between fidelity and fit. Prevention Science, 5, 41-45. 4. Hecht, M. L. , Marsiglia, F. F. , Elek, E. , Wagstaff, D. A. , Kulis, S. , Dustman, P. , Miller-Day, M. (2003). Culturally grounded substance use prevention: An evaluation of the keepin it R. E. A. L. curriculum. Prevention Science, 4, 233-248. 5. Kandel, D. B. (1995). Ethnic differences in drug use: Patterns, paradoxes. In G. J. Botvin, S. Schinke, M. A. Orlandi (Eds. ), Drug abuse prevention with multiethnic youth (pp. 81-104). Thousand Oaks: Sage. 6. Gosin, M. , Marsiglia, F. F. , Hecht, M. L. (2003). keepinit R. E. A. L. : A drug resistance curriculum tailored to the strengths and needs of pre-adolescents of the southwest. Journal of Drug Education, 33, 119-142. 7. Kulis, S. , Marsiglia, F. F. , Elek, E. , Dustman, P. , Wagstaff, D. A. , Hecht, M. L. (2005). Mexican/Mexican American adolescents and keepin in R. E. A. L. : An evidence-based, substance use prevention program. Children and Schools, 27, 133-145. 8. Marlatt, G. A. , Larimer, M. E. , Mail, P. D. , Hawkins, E. H. , Cummins, L. H. , Blume, A. W. , et al. (2003). Journeys of the circle: A culturally congruent life skills intervention for adolescent Indian drinking. Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, 27, 1-3. 9. Schinke, S. P. , Orlandi, M. A. , Botvin, G. J. , Gilchrist, L. D. , Trimble, J. E. , Locklear, V. S. (1988). Preventing substance abuse among American Indian adolescents: A bicultural competence skills approach. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 35, 87-90. 1. 1. Beauvais, F. , Trimble, J. E.

Sarah Grimke and Frederick Douglass :: essays research papers

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   When I mention the names Sarah Grimke and Frederick Douglass what comes to mind? Abolitionists? Equal rights activists? Of course, these two individuals are making great strives to fight for what they believe in. The sad thing about it is that we don’t have enough people with the likes of these two. England abolished slavery in 1834 so how long will we go on with this inhumane cruelty toward people. Our country is in a state of denial and if we don’t wake up soon, we will all pay the price. I’m going to discuss a little bit about these two abolitionist speakers, than compare and contrast their roles of rhetoric, morality, ideas, and backgrounds. They are Sarah Grimke and Frederick Douglass. Sarah was born in 1792 and Frederick was born in 1818. These two individuals are very devoted to abolishing slavery and finding true equal rights but ironically, other than their gender and race difference, they both come from unique backgrounds. Sarah was white and born into a large wealthy family. Her father owned a plantation with slaves and Sarah grew to hate the abuse that the slaves had to endure. She was deeply religious and felt that slavery was against her moral beliefs. She speaks a lot from the bible and believes that men and women were created equal. After the death of her father she moved out of South Carolina and moved up North to pursue a role as an abolitionist and women’s rights activist. Now on the other had Frederick was born into slavery. He was living in Maryland, born to a white man unknown to him and his mother was also a slave. Frederick pursued how to read and write while being a slave but found that it was an uphill battle, because no slaves were permitted to be educated. Frederick persevered and learned to read and write but prior to his escape up North his moral was very low because being educated as a slave he states, â€Å"It had given me a view of my wretched condition, without the remedy. It opened my eyes to the horrible pit, but to no ladder upon which to get out†(Narrative of the Life of F.D. Pg 1073 col.2). Can you imagine this; a slave that can now read and write all of a sudden wishes the opposite? It’s tough to stomach the grief that he must have felt during that time.

Comparing Ireland and Denmark ECC Essay

Choose two countries and compare their approaches to early childhood care and education. This essay will introduce and compare approaches to early childhood care and education in Denmark and Ireland. It will specifically focus on comparing the pedagogical approach, curriculum content and the inclusion of ethnic minority children aged 0-6 years attending early childhood settings in both countries. Provision of Services As one of the oldest nations within Europe, Denmark has made the welfare of families with children top priority within government. Under their Social Services Act, matters’ relating to the care and education of children is broken down. The Ministry of Social Services is responsible for day care facilities – dagtilbud, while the Ministry of Education is responsible for pre-school services – bornehaveklasse, primary and lower secondary and afterschool services and forest kindergartens are also available. These services are based on the rights of children outlined in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (OECD, 2000). In Denmark children are not required to enter the primary school sector until they are seven years old. In Ireland, there has been very little funding and resources into the development of childcare provisions with many working families relying on family members or child-minders filling the gap. Full day care exists at a cost and sessional services either morning or afternoon are in operation. In 2010, the Office of the Minister for Children and Youth Affairs introduced a voluntary, universal free pre-school year for children aged three years and two months and less than four years and seven months. For the year 2010/11, over 94% of eligible children were participating in the scheme (Dept. f Education & Skills, 2011). While it is compulsory for children to enter the primary education system at six years old, it is relevant to note that many children enter the system in the September, following their fourth birthday due to the lack of childcare provisions available. The Irish welfare state seems reliant on offering cash benefits rather than services especially for the youngest group of children 0-2 years (OECD, 2010). Pedagogy French, 2007 defines pedagogy as the practice or craft of teaching in the interactive process between teachers and learners and the learning nvironment which includes family and the community. Under Siolta, the national quality framework it is defined as the range of interactions to support the holistic development of children by embracing both care and education within settings. Denmark has a strong historical background in relation to the training of early care and education practitioners. The first training programme was implemented in 1885 for those working from the frobelian approach in education; this formed a basis for the two year study programme implemented in 1904. In 1992, an integrated training system was established to combine theory with practice. Those training to be social pedagogues complete three and a half year degree programme learning theoretical, culture based subjects and activity based subjects with stints in placement (OECD,2000). Ireland in comparison has yet to regulate for proper qualifications within the sector with only those working with pre-primary classes having the appropriate qualification – bachelor of education. In order for the pre-school year to be implemented room leaders must have a minimum qualification of a Level 5 major award in ECCE (Dept. of Education &Skills, 2011). Curriculum French, 2007, states that a curriculum being implemented in settings for children’s learning should contain a ‘body of knowledge with a clear set of goals and objectives’. The National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA) in 2004 wrote that curriculum refers to â€Å"all learning experiences, whether formal or informal, planned or unplanned, which contribute to a child’s development†. Denmark’s curriculum for children aged 0-6 years is predominately play based and incorporates the holistic development of children. Children work in partnership with the pedagogues throughout daily life. The main aims of the curriculum are to ensure children learn and experience the natural environment while gaining a true understanding of the Danish and other cultures represented. In 2004, a new law of pedagogical curriculum to â€Å"support, lead and challenge the learning of children† was introduced (Starting Strong 2, 2006). This outlined that all centres had the responsibility to outline their own curriculums with the cooperation of staff and passed by the board of parents and local authorities, the aspect of learning was not to become too structured. Six dimensions of aims as themes are to be represented within the curriculum. These include personal competences, social competences, language, body and movement, nature and nature phenomena and cultural forms of expression and values (Brostrom, 2006).

Raising Minimum Wages For Workers Essay - 2564 Words

Charles Darwin once wrote, â€Å"If the misery of the poor be caused not by the laws of nature, but by our institutions, great is our sin.† One can easily agree with this statement, as it can be an analogy to the effect that a modern institution called the minimum wage, may have on those who live in poverty. For many years, this institution has remained a controversial topic, separating people into two political groups: those (mostly republicans) who claim raising minimum wages for workers has a negative impact on the American people, and those (mostly democrats) who argue that raising minimum wages for workers has not only a positive impact on the American people, but is a necessity. I personally believe the latter, and find it necessary that wages be raised. In order to decrease poverty amongst the American working class people, minimum wage must be increased, in accordance to the constant inflation found in the American cost of living. One way to describe the American working class today is â€Å"60 minutes of work will just about buy you a Chipotle burrito (without guac).† As of 2009, the federal minimum wage has been 7.25 USD Hourly, and it continues to be the minimum wage in the majority of American states, the rest varying from a minimum wage of 8.00 USD, 9.00 USD, and 10.50 USD at an hourly rate, 10.50 USD Hourly currently being the highest, in Washington D.C. Given that most Americans in the working-class work by average 40 hours per week, a wage of 7.25 USD is equivalent toShow MoreRelatedRaising Minimum Wage For Fast Food Workers1001 Words   |  5 Pageshigh school, or have no education at all. How would that make you feel? Either way, a movement, called Fight for Fifteen, is lobbying elected officials to mandate minimum wage for fast food workers at fifteen dollars an hour, and I feel it is a slap in the face to America’s middle class. With the ridiculous demand to raise minimum wage to unp recedented heights, the economy will tank. In the long run, the people demanding the increase will find it harder to stay employed. Lastly, compared to otherRead MoreRaising The Minimum Wage Should Not Increase The Value Of The Worker s Labor1280 Words   |  6 PagesRaising the minimum wage does not increase the value of the worker s labor. It increases the cost of the worker s labor. And as everyone knows, the more something costs, the less of it we buy...† (Antony Davies, PhD, Associate Professor of Economics at Duquesne University, and James R. Harrigan, PhD, Senior Fellow at the Institute of Political Economy at Utah State University). In this day and age, the federal minimum wage is a very prevalent topic among Americans. Should it be raised? 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